A new stage of Russian history from the end of august 1991 to the December of 1993 was conditioned by dramatic intensification of social and international conflicts, internal political conflicts between the reformers and conservatives, hard economic and social crisis, and by the decadence and crash of communist ideology.
In December 1991 within the «secret meeting» leaders of three republics: Russia (B. Eltsyn), Ukraine (L. Kravchuck), and Belarus (S. Shukshevich) claimed the end of the operation of the Union agreement of 1922, the termination of the operations of governmental structures of the former Union, and the creation of the UIS - the Unity of Independent States[1].
The prohibition of CPSU and the crash of UUSR were the force that defined all the further party-politic life of the country. Both events caused an ambiguous attitude from the party and the society. «The letter to the President of RSFSR B. Eltsyn on the signing of the new Union agreement» of the 11th of august 1991 by the party block «National concent» said: «We think that the demand not to sign the agreement is explained by not only the desire to improve its content but not to allow its signing at all. In that case we claim that the parties of the block «National concent» (Democratic Party of Russia, Russia Christian Democratic Movement, and Constitutional Democratic Party) supports Your position and Your intention to sign the Union agreement on the 20th of august of this year»[2]. The crash of USSR was also not accepted by the Liberal-Democratic Party of Russia. All the political formations of communist and sovereign-patriotic organizations were also against the Union´s crash[3].
The activity of Communist Party of RSFSR that supported the actions of the State Committee of the State of Emergency, was put on hold by the Decree of the President of RSFSR on the 23rd of August 1991 until «the final resolution of the problem of the non-constitutionalism of the RSFSR Communist party actions, within the juridical order». Later in his recollections E. Gaidar writes: «Boris Nikolaevich, while he was selected as a Chairman of the Supreme Council and later the President of Russia, raised two flags: the flag of inaffiliation and the one of departysation. Both slogans were urgent and correct. The affiliation was the symbol of the CPSU. And the departysation meant the abbreviation of CPSU in its rights. Of course, it was obvious that such an inaffiliarity and departysation are temporal and that democracy implies multi-party system and it roll down to the authoritarianism»[4]. «Eltsyn dreamed to depose Gorbachev and everything into his hands. I am sure: if Boris Nikolaevich was the General Secretary, the CPSU would still exist. Eltsyn was only interested in power»[5], - drew his attention to this subjective factor, that influenced the crash of the CPSU, E. Primakov.
In mass mind the defeat of Communist Party was not that obvious in that period. More than the half of all population absolutely agreed with the decisions of the curd of the CPSU activity and thought that this party should not restart its activity. However, 28% of the interviewed, were convinced that the Communist Party should be reborn and almost the half of the interviewed communists (46%) were ready to recommence their party membership[6].
We should say, that the mentioned normative acts did not play any significant role in the development of the left movement in Russia. As a result of the juridical trial the Russian communists did not only manage to save some part of their property but also all their territorial party cells. The situation was that more than a half of lower active of Russian political associations was oriented on the left political structures and, most of all the structures of CPSU.
After the crash of CPSU the process of multi-party system establishment in Russia transformed into the new qualitative stage. Earlier the political activity of the parties and the movements of different orientation was mainly aimed against the CPSU and its Union centre,but now they had to look for a new basis for their self-expression and self-identification.
The work was submitted for the international scientific conference "Science and education in modern Russia", (Moscow), 15-18 of November 2010, came to the editorial office on 30.09.2010.
[1] Short history of the Soviet Union. General edition, professor S. Munchaeva - Moscow, editorship of Plekchanov. 2007.
[2] Russia: parties,associations... Book-4, Moscow,1992.
[3] Bulletin of the Congress of the national deputies of RSFSR and the Supreme Council of RSFSR. 1991 №35б P.1148.
[4] Gaidar E. The days of defeats and victories. Moscow, 1996.
[5] Zavada M., Kulikov Y. I have galloped a long way but I am not mounted: Thirty hours with Evgenyi Primakov. Moscow, Russian Newspaper, 2009.
[6] The Reformation of Russia: myths and reality. Moscow, Academia, 1994.